13th July: Past is Present
Then it marked the emergence of leadership, now absence of leadership
INKSIGHT BY MEHMOOD UR RASHID
Two days back when Kashmir remembered the Day of its Martyrs who fell to the bullets of Dogra police it was a thing to watch. Of course painfully, that Kashmir actually found herself relapsed into the same condition. When the entire Kashmir was on an extended protest from almost past one month, having lost 15 lives, almost all of them in their teens, 13th July came and went. Apart from being an annual ritual for Resistance as well as Mainstream parties, 13th July offers an opportunity to connect things past and present. Since the condition that was expected to have ended up when the Kashmir’s fight against Dogra Rule met with success, returned back with more complexity, even at times brutality, it’s interesting to compare the two conditions. One, that was prevalent when the event occurred: 13 July 1931. Other, when we remembered it just two days back: 13th July 2010.
Though it would be appalling to equate the pre-1947 condition of Kashmiri Muslims with that of the present, but in terms of where as a nation Kashmir stands, the comparison is valid. Our peasantry and the urban population are far better in terms education and economy than what it was when 21 Kashmiris lost their lives in the precincts of the Central Jail. What makes our present look like the past is that as a nation we are yet to discover ourselves. We are yet to decide ourselves what could be our national aim, and are not in a position to follow a national pursuit on our own. We are ruled by an external force that is in conflict with our national being.
A look at what precipitated the event of 13 July, 1931. With the formation of a state under Dogra rule, of which Kashmir valley was a part, Kashmiri Muslim population was excluded from the political power that was engendered by the clause IV of the Treaty of Amritsar. Since Dogras had no moral, or politithical (if politics and ethics can be combined) standpoint to rule Kashmir valley, they were faced with a crisis of legitimacy. Dogra Rule, as an outcome of the crisis of legitimacy was bound to exclude the people of Kashmir that were predominantly Muslim. This unleashed a sordid scheme of deprivation and exploitation. In terms of education and economy Kashmiri Muslim presented an abject picture. He was ruthlessly exploited in economic terms and on the count of education his chances were advisedly kept less than meager. So for even a small thing he had to undergo huge predicaments. He was paying the cost of being from a religious community that was different than his ruler’s. This was the reason that being Muslim was studded with intense political meaning and ramification. That is why we find the entire public project that went through Reading Room Party to Muslim Representatives always speak about the empowerment of Muslims. Everything intensely revolved round a religious identity.
As an immediate background to 13 July, we find a quick succession of incidents that hastened Kashmir towards a revolt. First, leading land-holder in Udhampur embraced Islam and the entitlement to all his property was nullified. His property could only be returned to him if he renounced his new faith and went back into Hindu fold. Second, Muslims of a village in Jammu were not permitted to use a ground for Eid prayers despite the place being traditionally used for this purpose. Third, on 29th April 1931, a police sub-inspector interfered in the Eid prayers stopping the Imam from completing the sermon. In another two incidents copies of Qur’an were desecrated. This was the background in which happened the great incident of 13 July, 1931. As one can clearly see that all these incidents were about religious sensitivities, and Dogras violating them guided the Muslim resentment along communal lines.
Now how did Dogras rule Kashmir in spite of the crisis of legitimacy. They did it by becoming Hindu and creating the myth of a Hindu past where Kashmiri population was, like Dogras, Hindu. Mridu Rai has conducted an elaborate probe into this facet of Dogra Rule in her book, Hindu Rulers Muslim Subjects. Here the point is that the Hinduness of the present power regime is intact. The myth of Hindu past and Hindu nationalism is being always invoked to give a degree of legitimacy to what New Delhi is doing to the Kashmiri Muslims. The discussions on Indian TV channels amply make it clear. If anything different, it’s the secular-nationalism that has become another source of legitimacy for India. To borrow from Ayesha Jalal, both ‘unitary nationalism’ and ‘pejorative communalism’ are at work in Kashmir against the Muslim population. Before we hasten to the conclusion that Kashmir must develop its popular politics along religio-communal lines, like it happened in the days of Dogra Rule, we have another historical question to face.
What made Muslim Conference change to National Conference. Merely saying that it was Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah’s digression from Muslim to secular, under the influence of Nehru would be too narrow a view of history. Similarly it would be doing injustice to the political texture of Kashmir if Muslim is discounted from it. After all Sheikh Abdullah had to rely on the same Muslim symbols and sensitivities to propel his politics, particularly in times of crisis. So this is one difficulty that we faced then, and also face now. Unlike Sheikh Muhammed Abdullh, we have the advantage of hindsight. The question is to work on it with rigour and responsibility.
Another important reading into the comparison between now and then is this: 13 July, 1931 threw up an effective leadership and a disciplined political movement. Muslim Conference under Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah, and a constellation of able men, guided the Resistance movement against Dogra Rule. But on 13 July, 2010, we, in a state of excitement and euphoria, are trying to erase any traces of leadership. Today we believe that a diffused band of motorbike riders will usher us to freedom; that’s really tragic. This way oppressed Kashmir Muslims of 1930s were far luckier than us.
(The columnist is GK Magazine Editor. Feedback at mrvaid@greaterkashmir.com)
Lastupdate on : Wed, 14 Jul 2010 21:30:00 Mecca time
Lastupdate on : Wed, 14 Jul 2010 18:30:00 GMT
Lastupdate on : Thu, 15 Jul 2010 00:00:00 IST
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