The hartal in Islamabad on Ummat-I-Islami chief Qazi Nisar's 16th death anniversary may have passed more or less unnoticeably but that should in no way reflect upon the stature of the man who can arguably be credited for changing the course of Kashmir's history. For, it was he who was the primary architect of the Muslim United Front whose aborted bid for power in 1987 sowed the seeds of the violent separatist campaign of the past two decades. 
Qazi Nisar's emergence on the state's political scene as the leader was unique. It was sudden and inspiring. And more importantly he was not overtly separatist, otherwise a pre requisite for the leadership in the state. He somehow pulled it off alone on a nationalist drift of his politics shot with a strong religious appeal when religion in politics was not such an anathema in the world.  His road to leadership therefore was not paved with a fiery separatist slogan but the slaughter of a cow in deliberate violation of the law of the state and his short imprisonment as a result.  What is more, his appeal didn't remain confined to Islamabad alone but encompassed the entire Valley in a very short duration of time. He was at the height of his popularity in MUF participated fateful Assembly election of 1987 when he became a star campaigner for all the parties from Itihadul Muslimeen to Jama'at-I Islami. This was so even when his Ummat-I-Islami was a minor constituent of otherwise a Jama'at-I-Islami dominated show. 
I still remember his election rally in Varmul where he completely dominated the proceedings.  And I remember him saying in his speech - and there was every reason to believe him - that his travel to the town was delayed by a youth from his earlier rally who threw himself under his vehicle to stop him from going. Such was the devotion that he commanded. His rise was the culmination of a political potboiler of a decade which started with the death of  National Conference founder Sheikh Abdullah and ended with the Qazi Nisar  dominated MUF election. In between came the replacement of Farooq Abdullah's government by the corrupt rule of G M Shah which in turn was followed by the then surprisingly popular government of Governor Jagmohan. 
Qazi Nisar, in a sense, was transformative as he seemed to effect a break with the old style  New Delhi sponsored politics.  A politics of forced coalitions, unceremonious dismissals and fickle loyalties. But this was a break that proved quite short-lived. Though the electioneering in 87 generated enough public groundswell to unhinge the old order, in the end situation went back to square one. The rigged outcome brought the old way of doing things vengefully back thereby breeding a pent-up sense of suffocation. MUF for all practical purposes broke apart. Its leaders including Qazi Nisar went their separate ways. And unknown to them all, the situation followed its own dangerous course  leading to the tumult of late 1989 which in its myriad forms continues until today. 

While it is debatable whether a fair 87 election could have averted the turmoil that followed it, its rigging did grievously setback the process of the growth of a genuine political culture in the state. For it was after decades that Valley was witness to a coalition of political forces who seemed to have somehow been able to connect  to some deeper grassroots urge and articulate it. Among them were potential political parties who though religious in their orientation could have enriched the political discourse of the state and who knows, may have down the years achieved a Valley wide profile. The sudden outbreak of the violence in 89 saw these forces fritter away and subsequently join the ranks of the separatist leadership. Qazi Nisar who stayed away was later assassinated in 1994. The man who shook the Valley died a lonely death, generating a short-lived backlash in his hometown.  
Ever since, situation in Kashmir has changed beyond recognition. MUF is now a little momentous piece of Valley's history that lasted one brief year. Now, a completely new set of political forces have appeared on the scene. Elections which became  a taboo for people for many years are now overwhelmingly participated. But what one misses is the sense of participation. The political loyalty of the people doesn't go all the way. It goes thus far and no further. It is perhaps the only such place in India where political parties do not inspire and lead or personify an ideological narrative  but are more or less treated like utility items, which take care of survival issues.  No doubt mainstream politics in the state has come a long way. Old order has been unhinged but not in the way MUF had done it in that brief heady spell in 87 by involving the hearts and minds of the people.  But rather more externally by changing the entrenched one party rule with a firm two party system. 
Here one cannot ignore the emergence of PDP. The party started out as a feeble, inconspicuous political entity and then suddenly took over the state. It may not have had a revolutionary birth like that of National Conference, but it has displayed a tremendous amount of political vitality and a knack of pre-emptively picking  up issues that resonate with people. As against this, NC though in power for the second time in the past 14 years looks politically out of place. Omar Abdullah is yet to carve a political identity for himself. And of course, the fact remains that the politics of both the sides doesn't strike a cord with the grassroots. Beyond a point, that is. Now more than ever Kashmir politics remains firmly stuck in the binary of Azadi and mainstream narratives, something that MUF for the brief duration had successfully bridged. Even though PDP led the unprecedented mainstream initiative to create a new middle ground politics with due space for separatist discourse, followed now even by National Conference, their support bases remain treacherously unpredictable and uncertain. 
This is not to suggest that the separatist leadership fills in the vacuum. They don't. Separatism survives more as a grassroots sentiment and also a vague concept that is yet to find its truly indigenous and credible political articulation. However, times in Kashmir they are a-changing. Any compromise on Kashmir between India and Pakistan could rewrite the political map of Kashmir. Already some remnants of MUF like Ummat-I-Islami and more importantly a faction of People's Conference and of course Jama'at-I-Islami are renewing their activities - albeit on a modest note. Complete shutdown on Qazi Nisar's day in Islamabad does tell us as much. And then there are the Hurriyats themselves. A little phraseological change in the complexion of the Kashmir problem could bring a crowd of political actors and outfits on the scene.

Lastupdate on : Tue, 22 Jun 2010 21:30:00 Mecca time
Lastupdate on : Tue, 22 Jun 2010 18:30:00 GMT
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