The 15th India-European Union (EU) summit was held in virtual mode on July 15. While Prime Minister Narendra Modi represented India, EU Council President Charles Michel and President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen led the EU delegation. More and more international interactions of different kinds, including diplomatic and political, will occur through virtual means. This will be certainly so as long as the COVID-19 pandemic lasts, but this means of communicating will also take place, to an extent which cannot be forecast as yet, after it ends.
With Britain’s departure EU has now 27 members. Certainly, the most integrated regional organisation in the world, it plays the most critical role in the economic life of its member-states and also assures their nationals free movement almost throughout its jurisdiction. It is attempting to harmonise the foreign and security policies of its members but in these areas the more important countries such as Germany and France largely act independently in matters concerning their core national interests. While the importance of maintaining bilateral ties with its members cannot be under rated it is worthwhile for India to purposefully engage the EU.
As is customary, the interaction produced a Joint Statement but the two sides also issued an ambitious document called ‘India-EU Strategic Partnership: A Roadmap to 2025. The latter statement is 118 paragraphs long and covers an enormous and impressive range of subjects where the two sides intend to co-operate but the document’s caveat is interesting. It notes that it “gives rise to no financial commitments and does not create any legally binding rights or obligations under domestic or international law”. Documents such as roadmaps are always of intent and are aspirational but never binding, so the reason why such a stipulation was needed is difficult to understand. Perhaps such a disclaimer was necessary under EU law. Nevertheless, it erodes the document of seriousness to some extent.
As the summit was convened during COVID-19 the leaders naturally paid attention to the pandemic. They dwelt on the principles that should guide international cooperation to combat the virus and mitigate the havoc it is causing world-wide. These include the need of sharing information directly and through the relevant international organisations such as the World Health Organisation (WHO), and of the requirement of “global collaboration and sustained funding for developing and deploying and accessibility of effective diagnostics, treatments, and vaccines to make them available to all at an available price”. In this context the call to ensure that “the future COVID-19 vaccine” becomes “a global common good” is particularly noteworthy. It is also significant that India and the EU have not followed the American lead in abandoning the WHO. Indeed, as the Chair of its executive board India will have an important role in guiding the organisation through this difficult year when its initial responses are under the scanner.
As COVID-19 has extracted a heavy toll of lives in Europe and Indian COVID-19 positive numbers are rising it would have been appropriate for the two sides to come out with a separate declaration emphasising not only principles but spelling out practical and specific collaboration arrangements on different aspects of combating the virus and promoting economic and commercial activity during these times of contracting economies. Even now such a programme can be worked out by the concerned agencies on both sides to show that such summit exercises lead to concrete results.
India and EU’s focus is mainly in the economic and commercial fields. EU is India’s largest trading partner in goods. There is also a measure of trade in services; and Indian professionals are finding work in many EU countries. It is disappointing though that the two sides have not succeeded in finalising a free trade agreement though negotiations have been ongoing for over a decade. The EU should have shown a greater understanding of India’s constraints and sensitivities in freely allowing agricultural products at low tariffs for getting an agreement. It did not, and now the mood in India about such free trade agreements has turned negative. Hence, it is unlikely that one would be concluded anytime soon.
At the summit India and EU reaffirmed their commitment to a rules-based world order and also their faith in multilateralism. Both are under challenge; the former by China which is ignoring it whenever its interests conflict with global rules and the latter by the US under President Trump’s America First approach. The liberal, democratic values that India and EU have traditionally valued are also under pressure all over the world. At such time it would be worthwhile for civil societies of both sides to be in intensive contact to keep the torch of liberalism burning bright. This is because through the adherence of liberal values that respect for civil rights can be assured and a correct understanding of nationalism be adopted and projected.
At a time when the principal global contestation is between the US and China, India and other emerging states as well as European countries need to come together so that they are not completely marginalised in the world order. Trump has particularly shown disdain for Europe. He has treated European countries as ‘spongers’ of American largesse and demanded that they should pay their fair share of maintaining the world order. At the same time China’s aggression will ultimately damage European interests too. Thus, the time is ripe for the EU to look at the big picture and seek closer ties with India.