Last week, Mehmood-ur-Rashid wrote an advisory to MirwaizUmar Farooq (“Time for Umar Farooq to rediscover”, Greater Kashmir, 12th July,2019). The tone was reverential, analysis deferential, and the sentimentsympathetic.
It is unlikely that Mirwaiz will respond. Not in public, atleast. Will he speak about the issues from the pulpit of Jamia Masjid? Will hisweekly canonical discoursesor his all-important liturgical interventionsaddress the concerns expressed? Unlikely. And that is precisely where the tragedy starts.
One need not be in agreement with Mehmood’s argument, butwhatever he has said,ought to be discussed. Even if, the timing of the “extraordinary” meeting of the Muttahida Majlise Ulema where Mirwaiz apparently spokeabout “social issues” is a bit curious. Equally so, the quick reaction by thecolumnist!
Contrary to the five roles of Mirwaiz listed out in thecolumn,there are basically only two: First, he is the Mirwaiz; an institutionin itself. In fact, it is theonly institution of the Kashmiri muslim civilsociety. Also it is unique to Kashmir.
The position that he holdsis not divinely ordained; it issocially created and sanctified. In recognition of the eloquence, erudition andengaging style of “wazkhaani”, theologist Hafiz Rasul Shah (1783 – 1845), wasdesignated as Mir Waiz. Now it is a 200 year old tradition! A seat of greatsignificance and promise. Sadly diluted.
The reason for dilution is his second, acquired, role: thatof a political leader. By virtue of heading a political party, the Awami ActionCommittee, he is into formal politics. Currently, he is aligned with theHurriyat Conference and a part of a larger separatist grouping.
Historically, Mirwaiz grew in prestige and respect to becomea venerable institution not because of any particular political ideology butfor social reforms, preaching of Islam, and working for the empowerment ofMuslims.
Mirwaiz Rasool Shah became the Mirwaiz in 1890, andrevolutionized the societal thinking by setting up Anjuman Nusrat-e-Islam, thefirst association of Kashmiri muslims. In 1889, despite severe criticism of theconservatives, he founded the Madrassah Nusratul Islam at Rajouri Kadal; thefirst educational institute of muslims in Kashmir. This led to Mehjoor callinghim the Sir Sayeed of Kashmir way back in 1908.
The impact of these initiatives, obviously went beyond therealm of social reform. In April 2016, the Anjuman, energised by the first cropof educated young men from Islamia High School, represented to Sir M H Sharp,demanding equal rights for Muslims in getting modern higher education which washitherto denied. This predates the Lord Reading memorandum. Indeed,it was aresolution passed by the Anjuman at the Islami High school in August 1922 thatculminated in the 17 point memorandum presented to Lord Reading in 1924.
Thisapproach of social politics changed with the advent ofMolvi Yousuf Shahas the Mirwaiz in 1931. An alumni of Darul Uloom, Deoband, hewas attracted to the Khilafat Movement. He arranged political meetings in thevariousmosques of Srinagar, which were addressed by the young members of theReading Room. This was the first time, a Mirwaiz had got involved withpolitical activism and party politics. Till then, he was above partypolitics. This had implications.
Till Molvi Ahmadullah Shah was the Mirwaiz, he was acceptedby all the muslims as their religious leader. His authority had also beenratified by the Dogra regime. Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah, in order to eliminate thethreat posed to his position by Sheikh Abdullah, set up his own politicalparty, the Azad Conference in 1933. He also compromised his position andstature by accepting a stipend of Rs. 600 from the Dogra regime.Abdullahretaliated by aligning himself with MirwaizHamadani, a rival religious leaderfurther diluting the authority of the Mirwaiz Kalan.
Thirty years later, political adventurism was once againundertaken. In March 1964, Mirwaiz Mohammed Farooq transformed the Awami ActionCommittee, a body fighting for recovery of Moe-e-Muqaddas, into a movement forpolitical self-determination. Ever since, even though the basis of his realpower has been rooted in religion and tradition, the use of that power has beenonly political.
This preoccupation with the political have seriouslyundermined the social, cultural and spiritual dimensions of the society. Thebiggest damage of getting the institution of Mirwaiz into active politics –then and now — has been on the efficacy of his word. By virtue of where hesits, what he says, ought to have the authority; moral and institutional; awrit that runs large in the community. This got restricted to his politicalfollowers. The political class is only a subset of the larger Kashmiri muslimcommunity of believers.
What is needed today is rebuilding the “social capital”;acompact which recreates the intrinsic value system among the community. Theseare linkages which provide the basis for an enlightened polity. There has to bea mindset reset in the community. It is a social need, not a politicalnecessity.
For this, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq has what no one else can have:the power of the pulpit. This is a platform of position, prestige, and power.It is the seat of authority, from which the agenda of the civil society is tobe, and can be set. And there is 1400 years of Islamic history,acrosscivilisations and countries, to back it.
The Islamic orthopraxy and ritual practices that Mirwaizcontrols are valid expressions of Islam. These are “primary texts” that caninform us about our self-identity and articulate ideals and values symbolicallyand pragmatically.In our situation today, it is important to promote the ideaand ideal of social unity not limited to the theological unity of tawheed butextended to a secular social contract.
There is need to articulate the values of a social order orcultural system, create culture and reproduce the master narratives requiredfor the people to act in “meaningful and effective ways”. That in turn will setthe stage for a political narrative. Given the existing structure, where canthis be done?
In the world of social media, the impact of the “premodern”ritualised form of mass communication”, the friday sermon, is being hugelyunderestimated. The khutba, along with the waaz and the congregational prayer,provides masses with the right place and the optimal moment in which to orientand channel their sentiments into a righteous manner. Seen as public discourse,it goes much beyond the immediate communication between the preacher and hisaudience during the preaching event. It envisages the perpetuation and thecultivation of religious ideas, political ideologies, moral dispositions,symbolic systems – in sum the transmission of culture. Hence, communicationsfrom the pulpit should serve as the principal media through which religiousdiscourses are applied and played out in the concrete socio-political, ratherthan a cosmogonic, context.
To do this, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq doesn’t have to look far. Hemay like to reassess the legacy of Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah and perhaps draw moreinspiration from Mirwaiz Rasool Shah. He may find two out of the sevenobjectives of setting up the Anjuman, extremely relevant today. Time to dustthe documents and reread what his forefathers had drafted with understanding,vision and wisdom. This done, Mirwaiz will be more effective as whole on hisown rather than an appendage to the sum of parts.
Tailpiece:
It is a little known fact that one of the foremost politicalstrategist of the freedom struggle of Kashmir, unrecognised and un-feted,Khawaja Ghulam Ahmed Ashai, was the topper of the first batch of five studentsfrom Mirwaiz’s Islamia School who appeared for matriculation examination of thePunjab University in 1908 A.D. PanditSarwan and secured second position!