Middle Class in Kashmir: Sociology & Sensibility

The great Persian scholar Abu Rayhan Al-Biruni had made deep study of Hindu religion and thought, and had noted in these a tendency towards fossilisation.

He specifically mentioned the narrowness and xenophobia of the Hindus of his times and contrasted these with their one time alertness and receptivity which had made them learn from all nations including Greeks.

   

Had Al Biruni been living today, he would have castigated the Kashmiri middle class for their ostrich like approach to changes/ transformations taking place in and around them.

The old middle class (pre and immediate post-1947) was socially responsible, ethically strong and politically honest. They were idealistic, imaginative and more importantly institution-centric, rather than individual-centric.

The new middle class is self-centred, isolationist and less inclined to social responsibilities and regeneration of institutions. This class privileges personal/family interests at terrible cost to society and coming generations.

Be that as it may, I shall have to dispose of a point of order which in my part of the world always arises as tiresome preliminary to any discussion on any subject. we have fascination for definitions.

Definitional matters

The middle class as a social category has remained subject- matter of debate among sociologists and political economy specialists after 2008 financial crisis and more particularly after Covid-19. Though there is no independent scholarly study of this class in Kashmir yet many of its features and values are identical to middle class in rest of the country.

True, the growth and expansion of this class can have regional variations viz, specific to its nature, character and value orientation. The old middle class mostly consisted of Kashmiri pundits, Punjabi Khatris and south Indian Brahmins. According to Ashok K Lahiri ‘’by middle class I mean people who are beyond the poverty line but not in the category of rich”.

For some experts middle class people have sufficient discretionary income and their status symbols are understood by assets they own. Further, this group is overrepresented in salaried employment and higher education which are its distinctive features.

They communicate their ideas to fellow men with a view to influence their mind, life and actions. The intelligentsia in Kashmir are inalienable part of educated middle class.

The rot in Kashmir society can be attributed to many factors and the educated middle class has to take its share of responsibility. The fast erosion of our institutions has happened largely due to callousness of this class.

Institution-Building

The institution- building assumes critical importance in the specific context of Kashmir where institutional decline has not engaged the attention of the educated middle class consisting ofwriters, scholars and the general elite. A group is constitutive of people while as an institution consists of actions. The institutional arrangement—social, educational or political—is the bed rock on which society stands.

No society can prosper in the absence of strong institutions. When institutions fail the individuals become important and consequently personal interests assume precedence overinstitutional objectives. Kashmirin recent times issingularly unfortunate as far as decline of institutions viz,family, political parties, political leadership and more particularly apex educational institutions are concerned.

True in one sense institutional atrophy is a malady afflicting all parts of the country yetKashmir for some reason presents a grim picture. It has been observed that sufferings and pain in a conflict society provide a sense of solidarity and glueto the thinking people and provides them initiative to work for the welfare of the people.

Unfortunately“educated uneducated”in Kashmirhas displayed as ostrich type of approach towards problems and more particularly towards the responsibility of re-energising social and other institutions.

I have no hesitation in stating that in some way the educated middle class in Kashmir became part of the vested interest generated by prolonged political uncertainty. Be that as it may history has other lessons to teach us.

Inspite of taxing feudal oppression before 1947 in Kashmir the tiny educated middle class exhibited its capacity as opinion leaders and institution-builders. Recall the contribution of the early institutionalisation of “Reading Room Party” and the formation of Study Circle in 1940s at Dalgate Srinagar.

These were the contributions of early Kashmir educated class who had returned to their homeland after finishing their studies from Universities of Punjab and Aligarh. Some of these sacrificed their careers in the service of institution building and by raising the social and educational consciousness of the people.

Many of them took to legal profession to ensure earning of independent livelihood and simultaneous service to society and fight against feudal exploitation. The contemporary Muslim middle class has unfortunately lost the initiative and appetite to work for socio-educational transformation of the society.

Let me describe the everyday practice of middle class life in Kashmir by offering a tentative analysis suggesting the existence of certain syndromes that are prevalent in this class.

Three Syndromes

The first is “whoever is not with me is against me”. This can also be called as “ My camp syndrome”. The admixture of both authoritarianism and deep distrust prevalent in Kashmir society may be responsible for such behaviour which of course is not unique to our region. In this setting, servility to superiors and arrogance towards subordinates becomes natural. Both tendencies have been heightened by feudal/colonial legacy.

This syndrome has fractured the otherwise tiny class in Kashmir. Though immediate post 1947 situation small middle class in Kashmir showed an eagerness for institutional reforms and institution-building yet the larger political culture tempted them to theft and opportunism.

The contemporary middle class in Kashmir has ad hoc, personal and detached relationship with institutional gridlock of the society. The intelligentsia in Europe firmed up the institutions of democracy, philanthropy and university but intelligentsia in our part of the world scores negatively on all these questions. In Kashmir this class is contended to work on basis of patronage and clientelism. It is ardent advocate of individualism.

The second is what can be described as “waiting” syndrome where critical comment/opinion coupled with asking and raising inconvenient questions and challenging established orthodoxies are to be avoided. It can also be called strategic syndrome where truth is understood but suppressed by a strategic calculus. The truth and fight for it can be dangerous for personal interests.

This raises the costs for a society and institutions embedded in it. Renowned Punjabi poet Ustad Daman once said, “why Daman no longer speaks is for the fear that if he opens the mouth they will tax his tongue”. Resultantly, the fact (necessary product of any intellectual inquiry) must be kept out of the public domain.

Over a period of time serious social, cultural and educational issues demand our attention but for strategic reasons had to be shelved. Arnold Toynbee claimed that “of 21 notable civilisations 19 perished not for conquest from without but from decay from within”.

The third is the “poverty of imagination syndrome” where middle class in Kashmir adopt an idiom and participate in a discussion which is fashionable outside and ignore all the while the local, vernacular and very often the real. This is how we fall in the category of the ‘comprador’. The matters we discuss have less connection with the social and cultural imaginary.

It is indeed a pity that we are confronted by enormous challenges and educated do not have local paradigms and frameworks to sort out issues. We can work on local level issues that are multi-dimensional and we can be absorbed in issues that have civilisational scope.

Noted historian Paul Kennedy identified education, role of women and quality of political leadership as the three determinants of success in 1993 for 21st century. Social thinkers from Wells to Toynbee have repeatedly argued that “global society is in a race between education and catastrophe”.

We may have to make enormous investment both financial and intellectual into erecting institutions so that we are able to boldly face the future. Remember the formidable advice of John Kennedy , “our job is not to fix the blame for the past but to fix the course for the future”.

Prof Gull Wani is teaching political Science at Kashmir university

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are the personal opinions of the author.

The facts, analysis, assumptions and perspective appearing in the article do not reflect the views of GK.

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